Protection and Indemnity Clubs Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Protection and Indemnity Clubs - Article Example Ninety percent of shipowners in modern times is a part of one of these clubs. These clubs also cover the shipowner from liability to third parties, as well as coverage against injury or death of the crew-members. (Finnern, 2007, p. 5). The shipowner becomes both the insured and the insurer, because claims are paid out of the Clubs funds, and these funds are collected from all the members of the Club. (Finnern, 2007, p. 6). A normal clause of most, if not all, of the PI Clubs, is the â€Å"pay to be paid† rule. This rule states, in a nutshell, that if a shipowner has a claim for which he wants the club to reimburse him, he must first settle the claim with the injured party on his own, with his own means. (Hawkins, p. 3). He can then seek reimbursement from the Club for the money he spent out of pocket. (Finnern, 2007, p. 7). The reason for the â€Å"pay to be paid† rule is that the PI Clubs only provide indemnification for their members, as opposed to regular insurance. The difference between regular insurance and indemnification is that, with regular insurance, all claims against the insured are paid, whereas, with indemnification insurance, only the claims for which the insured has already paid are covered. With regular insurance, the insured does not have to suffer an actual financial loss to collect, and advanced payment is not necessary; with indemnification, the insured does have to suffer an actual financial loss to collect, advanced payment is necessary, and the amount that he collects from the indemnity insurance is only as much as he has already paid out. (Finnern, 2007, pp. 8-9). Further, the third party generally has to have a judgment against the insured, otherwise, the PI does not kick in. In other words, if the insured gives money to a third party to settle the claim, but the third party did not first obtain a judgment, the PI may not pay the claim, even though the insured has fulfilled the requisite requirement of payment.

Descartes Meditation Essay Example for Free

Descartes Meditation Essay Descartes holds that you are more mind than body. Do you agree? What sort of priority does he intend? † In the Meditation Two: Concerning the Nature of the Human Mind, Descartes describes himself â€Å"as if I had suddenly fallen into a deep whirlpool† (pg. 492), expressing the need to work his way up and pick up where he left off the day before. He basically exclaims that he will put off all doubts and â€Å"suppose that everything is false (492)†. In this meditation he plays on the concept that the mind is greater than the body. In some respects’ I do agree with what Descartes is saying about dualism concept and how we are â€Å"thinking things (493)†. I believe the mind is more important in some manner than the body because the power the mind has to think, reason, create, dream, imagine, believe, memorize, react, desire, feel, and the ability to know and have endless ideas. Descartes agrees that he â€Å"doubts, understands, affirms, denies, wills, refuses, and that also imagines and senses (494). †In this section I do agree with Descartes on his view of this â€Å"thinking thing†. The mind is so incredible that we humans can’t grasp the intricate complexes that the mind has. When Descartes describes the wax example I was rather confused but after critiquing the concept I have come to realization that it does make sense. I think Descartes was desperate to find away, some way to describe the importance of the mind and using this illustration was a creative way to do so. So he describes this piece of wax how it’s hard and cold, malleable, has a slight honey flavor (494). Then he describes what happens to this wax when it goes through the different temperature cycles and how the structure of the wax changes etc. So we know that when the piece of wax is going through those physical changes it still remains to be the same piece. So seeing that we understand that the hard piece of wax and now melted piece of wax have the same properties’ must not just come from the senses because all of the sensible properties were changed. As Descartes describes that â€Å"the sense of smell, sight, touch or hearing has now changed; and yet the wax remains (495). † So from this one may think that the imagination is what this piece of wax is, but Descartes exclaims, â€Å"Therefore this insight is not achieved by the faculty of imagination. Instead he concludes that â€Å"I (Descartes) perceive it through the mind alone. † Learning this illustration is shows the importance of the mind and the corporeal body. That the body can take on many different changes, yet the mind is beauty behind everything. I can’t say that I agree with everything that Descartes is trying to express, but I do agree with the fact there are hard concepts to grasp and understand. We each have unique mind, and understanding the mind will take time and will take patience.

My Papa’s Waltz - Thats not just coke in Dads glass Essays -- My Pap

My Papa’s Waltz - That's not just coke in Dad's glass Some define alcohol abuse as "the recurrent use of alcohol to the extent that repeated use results in an inability to fulfill normal role functions, or presents legal or social/interpersonal problems, or creates a hazard to self or others" (Suppes 339). While most people seem to drink in moderation, others have a hard time drinking responsibly. Sometimes alcohol abuse can lead to physical abuse, mental abuse, loss of a job, alcoholism, or the breaking down of relationships. In "My Papa's Waltz," we see the detrimental effects of alcohol on a father/son relationship. Papa does not abuse his son, however his repeated drinking creates a gap in their relationship. In "My Papa's Waltz," we see no evidence of any physical abuse. His son, at this age, adores him. Together they "romped until the pans / Slid from the kitchen shelf" (Roethke 5-6). The young boy does not want to let go of his father; he admits, "I hung on like death" (3). Then, he explains he still clings to his father's shirt even while...

Henry James started life in a wealthy family Essay

His grandfather was one of the first American millionaires. James’ father was a theologian and his brother was a psychologist. In fact, his brother, William James, was the pioneer of psychoanalysis. Around the time that James wrote ‘The Turn of The Screw’ (1897), people began to think a lot more about the inner workings of the mind. James seems especially interested in what it is that attracts humans to one another and as to when sexuality begins to shape itself in a child. An example of this is shown in one of his early novels, ‘Watch and Ward’, in which a bachelor adopts a young girl with an intention to marry her. This is also shown in ‘The Turn of The Screw’, when Miles kisses the governess. The adversary of the governess, Peter Quint, has sexually abused Miles, continuing this psychological theme. Much of James’ work is centred on the innocence of the West and the corruption and wisdom of the East. When Henry James wrote ‘The Turn of The Screw’, I believe his intention was to create a gripping, thought-provoking piece of fiction to involve the reader. He wrote entirely through the governess’ eyes so that the book would involve the reader. There is also a prologue in which the reader is included in a circle of friends telling ghost stories to one another. One man proclaims that he knows of this story and then the narrative begins in earnest. This immediately tells the reader what to expect from the story and how to approach it. However, the practice of people sitting round an open fire and entertaining each other with ghost stories is, sadly, not common and, if it occurs at all, people tend to relate anecdotes rather than ghost stories. James has created a tense novel; he builds huge suspense by not immediately saying what is happening. He presents the story as a journal: the perceptions of the governess. This is slightly similar to ‘The Catcher In The Rye’ by J. D. Salinger. In this the main character (Holden Caulfield) pours out all his thoughts onto paper. The governess writes in a similar way, but it is subtler and more edited; James is trying to make the reader ‘live the book’. For instance, when the governess first realises that Miss Jessel is standing on the opposite side of the lake from her, James does not merely present this fact, but instead goes through all the ideas thoughts and observations of the governess in minute detail and keeps the reader in continued suspense until the revelation. Some people may have found this novel frightening in 1898 (its contemporary setting) but its setting is actually one of its downfalls in appealing to a modern audience. It is too near to real life to appeal or frighten. The modern horror audience’s taste has become increasingly extreme so that horror films and books are more fantastical. Even though they are increasingly unrealistic, this makes them more frightening and somehow involves the audience more. The basis of the Turn of The Screw is horror invading everyday life. There is a lot more exposure to horror in the present day, so this dampens the effect that this novel has on people now. People become cynical when they are over-exposed to something, such as advertising. Henry James wrote verbosely, using lots of imagery, which in most cases is profound. He uses many subordinate clauses, which can make it difficult to understand i. e. : This is written in the ‘voice’ of the governess (as a journal entry) and the choice of vocabulary shows us that she is well educated (as does the fact that she can write) but perhaps a bit nervous. It is as if she is getting hysterical just writing about the experience. This is perhaps because she is unfamiliar with the job and has never worked with children before. The old definition of hysteria was: â€Å"A nervous affection, occurring exclusively in women, in which the emotional and reflex excitability is exaggerated, and the will power correspondingly diminished, so that the patient loses control over the emotions, becomes the victim of imaginary sensations, and often falls into paroxysm or fits. † – Webster’s Dictionary This is a reminder of how women were seen and their (expected) role in society at the time the book was written. In relation to ‘The Turn of the Screw’ being a successful ghost story for a modern audience, it may be slightly outdated and perhaps ill-received in our post-feminist society. Women are no longer seen as people who should only look after domestic matters. However, it can break the ‘spell’ of the writing if you have to read a sentence twice to get the precise meaning of the writer’s idea. This can prevent people from getting involved in the story and if you are not involved, you are not enjoying the story. The imagery is open to interpretation but I believe that if you look at some of James’ imagery and can explain it with the first thought that enters your mind, you do not have James’ meaning. For instance, when Flora runs off to the lake to be with Miss Jessel and the governess and Mrs. Grose go to fetch her: The lake is a metaphor for Jessel’s evil influence and power. The governess is saying that she believes Flora can be saved because Jessel does not have complete control over her yet. The lake is also described as a â€Å"sheet of water† and a sheet can be used to hide things. Another use for a sheet which was more common in James’ time (the Victorian period) would be to cover unused furniture in one’s second home. The practice of covering all furniture is uncommon in our time. This is another factor to consider when questioning whether The Turn of the Screw is an effective ghost story for a modern audience. There are also many references to the title of the book in some imagery such as, in the same chapter, when Flora is sticking a mast in her toy boat. This again uses the governess’ non-description of the important part of the scene to build tension. Some of the imagery used still has relevance today. We are instilled with an inherent metaphoric belief that high is good and low is bad, as shown in the book with the varying positions of the governess and the spirits on the staircase. Also the metaphor ‘turning the screw’ is still an accepted term for increasing tension today. The language used may be difficult to understand for a modern audience and not many people can identify with the character, since there is not much to need for home tutors and guardians now. Parents generally have much more sociable working hours and prefer to spend the money on something more necessary. In addition, children are now required to go to school (unless they are one of the rare cases of those tutored at home. ) Many people will not personally know a governess, let alone be able to empathise with one. However, some people such as single parents (especially single mothers) may identify with feeling that sort of responsibility towards their children. The Turn of The Screw was effective in its contemporary setting. People were more superstitious at that time, because for many people life was hard, and they needed something to focus upon. More people believed in God, and for God to exist there has to be some evil in the world. There was also no entertainment except that which people made for themselves. Parlour games, telling stories or reading books were common leisure activities, since people could not just sit down in front of the television. Many of these stories were passed down from generation to generation and the most popular were ghost stories. We are fascinated with the supernatural and the unknown. It is one of the basic primal fears – the fear of the unknown – that appeals to us. The industrial revolution brought about more education for lower to middle class people and this meant there was a growing audience for books and especially fiction. People felt the need to escape from the real world. In modern times we are discouraged from this way of thinking because science has come a long way since the nineteenth century and there is no scientific evidence to suggest that these things can happen. However, fantasy books and films are popular, showing there is still an escapist desire in the human psyche, even though more people are educated and we are taught that ghosts do not exist. It seems that television has destroyed this silence and continuity. The story needs to be retold. The haunting effect of a ghost story can now be disrupted more easily because we have electricity, with which comes bright electric lights that can penetrate any unknown shadow. However, if you have a sufficiently romantic mind then the language could help involve you in the atmosphere. Also I think that people could identify with this because there are similar (perceived) dangers today. Peter Quint is a paedophile and what happens in the novel is also the stuff of nightmares for parents in modern times. However, despite these factors, I do not believe that ‘The Turn of the Screw’ is ultimately a successful ghost story for the modern audience. The situation, language and characters are too alien, yet everyday, to really involve an audience. Technology, science and education deal the final blow, destroying the audience’s connection with the heart of the story. Ed Byford In your opinion, is The Turn Of The Screw a 25/04/2007 successful ghost story for a modern audience?

Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa and Ghana: a Comparison of Successes, Failures and Futures in a “Developed” and an “Undeveloped” African Country

Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa and Ghana: a comparison of successes, failures and futures in a â€Å"developed† and an â€Å"undeveloped† African country Few industries affect the social, economic and environmental sectors to the extent that the mining industry does. As minerals development expanded, so the international awareness of its impacts grew. Mining-related legislation, both internationally and nationally, has evolved significantly in the past two decades, actively aimed at ensuring Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), where companies are held accountable for their actions. In developing countries like South Africa and Ghana that are heavily dependent on gold trade and the associated international investment, the challenge is to ensure that environmental and social impacts of mining are mitigated, that non-renewable resources are converted into national wealth and that mining-generated revenue is claimed and disbursed. In this paper the evolution of CSR in South Africa, a more developed African Nation, and Ghana, a less developed African nation, are compared. Recommendations are made as to potential avenues for CSR progression. The objectives of international mining policy reform have changed dramatically in the past few decades. During the 1970s the aim of mining policy was to increase government control. During the 1980s the aims of reform became to increase investment and to mitigate the socio-economic impacts of mining. This was attempted through the Growth Employment and Reconstruction plan in SA (Fig, 2005), and the Economic Recovery Plan in Ghana (Hilson, 2002). Both plans advocated more privatization, trade liberalization and deregulation. Although the general international trend was to redefine the role of the state, particularly in industrial areas, the adoption of this ambition by African countries has proven detrimental. Biersteker (1990) argues that the reduction of the state greatly reduced its function to govern, particularly undercutting its regulatory ability, its function as a mediator in civil disputes and its ability to regulate and collaborate with the private sector. Campbell (2005) poses that this is because the legislative and regulatory reform adopted by many developing mining-dependent African countries during the past few decades has undermined the role of the state and has proved incompatible with the challenges of the countries concerned. This has impaired the ability of these governments to exert CSR pressure on mining companies. CSR in Africa has grown parallel to these changes in the role of the state, and international mining legislation has had varying impacts on SA and Ghanaian regulations. Despite being based on a non-renewable resource, the main theme in changing international legislation is that of sustainable development, particularly in developing countries in which a large percentage of mining is done by foreign companies. It is, however, the sovereign right of a state to exploit its natural resources. This sovereignty was vehemently upheld by post-colonial developing nations that rely on mineral resources, two prominent examples of which being SA and Ghana. It has become apparent, however, that mining has far-reaching impacts that often have transboundary degrading effects, resulting in international attempts at regulation. CSR in South Africa The formal terms of CSR in SA were originally raised in 1972 and the view taken by many businesses was that they should not have to take responsibility for Apartheid, but should rather improve social standards within their respective businesses. These concepts were formalized in the Sullivan Principles, which were aimed at entrenching non-discrimination in the workplace into the core business activities, particularly in SA-based US companies (Visser, 2005). Although other CSR groups formed, like the Consultative Business Movement, the move away from philanthropy only really became evident after the first democratic elections in 1994, and when the Black Economic Empowerment Programme (BEE) was introduced. The aim of BEE is to promote equal racial ownership, education, training and local economic development. In 2002 the goal for black ownership in the mining sector was set at 26% within 10 years (Fig, 2005). BEE was particularly important in the mining sector, as in order to obtain mining rights, businesses had to meet the requirements of a BEE ‘scorecard’. A number of principles have been introduced to target human rights, a major CSR concern in SA. These include Voluntary Principles on Human Rights and Security and the OECD Risk Awareness Tool for Multinational Enterprises in Weak Governance Zones (Hamann, 2009). Another important milestone was the Kings Report, released in 2002, which outlined the CSR requirements for companies, including â€Å"recogniz[ing] that stakeholders such as the community in which the company operates, its customers, its employees and its suppliers amongst others need to be considered when developing the strategy of a company† (Visser, 2005). It also requires that businesses report annually on their social, transformation (including BEE), ethical, safety, health and environmental management policies. A positive and innovative spinoff of the King’s Report was the introduction of a Kings Index on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Companies are required to meet the criteria of the King’s Report in order to list with the JSE, providing a fiscally competitive incentive to adopt CSR principles (Dale, 2005). This progressive legislation forms the beginnings of a seemingly sound CSR framework. But the SA government struggles to maintain the pressure needed to enforce all of its requirements. As in Ghana, SA’s dependence on the mining industry makes the government loathe to confront deviant companies for fear of disinvestment and job losses. Firms often run philanthropic programmes merely as an attempt to maintain â€Å"business as usual†, satisfying the bare minimum for CSR. The lack of government capacity is most prominent in environmental requirements. Many mining companies have introduced more stringent environmental management regulations and have increased CSR spending, but Fig (2005) shows that due to lack of governmental pressure and effective sustainable reporting, many of the claims of these companies do not match their actions. In recognition of its weaknesses, however, the SA government has adopted provision for voluntary conflict resolution within its environmental legislation (Fig, 2005). As an example of a developing country embracing CSR, SA has proven itself relatively forward-thinking and successful. SA is at the forefront of CSR legislation in Africa. It is in the inability to enforce these laws that the clearest CSR similarities, and failures, with Ghana, a less developed African nation, can be seen. CSR in Ghana For the past 1000 years Ghana has enjoyed a thriving gold trade. However, due to political turmoil and changing mining and economic policy, by the beginning of the 1980s the gold-mining industry was virtually stagnant, and became the focal point in the country’s Economic Recovery Programme in 1983 (Campbell, 2005). Ghana also received assistance from the World Bank, the conditions of which resulted in the elimination of most barriers to entry for foreign investors, including reducing corporate taxes, royalty payments, foreign exchange taxes and import duties. The company retention amounts negotiated by foreign investors were far above average and signify the extentto which the Ghanaian government was prepared to go to stimulate the industry (Campbell, 2005). This also indicates the extent to which the government was and is prepared to turn a blind eye to companies’ exploitation of the country. Liberalized legislation resulted in an approximate 800-fold growth of the predominantly foreign-controlled gold mining industry in the past 20 years. But this growth has been accompanied by very little change in the quality of life of the Ghanaian people. In 2006 the International Council on Mining and Metals claimed that gold mining has not only ‘kick-started† Ghana’s economy, but that many of the large-scale mining companies are â€Å"committed to [CSR]†. In contrast, Hilson (2007) argues locals’ lives have been worsened by the increased use of land, relocations and environmental dilapidation. Because of the lax policies adopted by the government, the nation’s share of the mineral development profits has been minimal. Despite the 40% contribution of total merchandise export earnings that gold-mining in Ghana represents, the contribution to GDP is only 2-3% (Hilson, 2002). Thus the government lacks fiscal control, and as such cannot redirect funds efficiently towards development projects. The most formal adoption of international policy in Ghana was that of the Global Mining Initiative (GMI) in 1998. Ghanaian mining companies claimed that â€Å"a series of dynamic and innovative community development projects†¦ empowering rural communities and improving quality of life† were to be initiated (Garvin, 2009). But others report that the mines are encroaching on indigenous land, resulting in cultural dislocation, poverty, displacement and environmental damage. Promises of jobs and adequate compensation have been broken. This is evident in the relatively small number of Ghanaians employed by mining companies, a mere 20 000, despite the immensesize of the industry (Garvin, 2009). An interesting response to growing unemployment is the intensification of small-scale, artisanal mining, nicknamed the galamsey. The galamseyhave become an important means for support for many subsistence farmers who have been displaced, but their illegal status has led to them being labelled â€Å"hazardous and environmentally damaging† by the Chamber of Mines (Bush, 2008). There is potential for both large and small scale miners to collaborate, as they have different methods and it is uneconomical for one to do what the other does. This has been proven by Goldfields, who have leased small portions of land to groups of galamsey. Most large-scale gold ines refuse to license their unused land for work, so the galamseyare forced to mine illegally in order to eke out a living. Hilson (2007) accuses the large mining companies of supporting a massive military sweep aimed at eradicating the galamsey, which resulted in human rights violations and many forced removals. Instead of taking advantage of collaborative opportunities major mine operators in Ghana have resorted to the most common CSR endeavours amongst extractive mine companies: the building of schools, clinics and libraries. These CSR projects are still predominantly philanthropic and unsustainable. Garvin (2009) determined, through a series of surveys, that although many locals perceived an increase in social welfare, they reported a decline in security, increased crime, cyanide-poisoned water, and other environmental hazards resulting in a lack of useful agricultural land. Notwithstanding the urgings from the World Bank Industries Review, Departments for International Development, the UN, and limited pressure from the Chamber of Mines, most CSR programmes that go beyond philanthropy emphasize the expansion of existing practices such as pig-rearing, livestock and activities. These give little opportunity for advancement, provide little more than subsistence wages and definitely do not contribute to sustainable economic growth (Hilson, 2007). One of the largest problems with CSR in Ghana, and similarly in SA, is the lack of communication between government, companies and public. Mining companies enter into agreements with the national government, paying royalties of 9%, of which 3% go towards community development (Hilson, 2007). These monies pass through many layers of government and administration, and often very little reach the locals they are meant to compensate. Inhabited land is often designated for mining with little or no consent from the inhabitants. Under the Minerals and Mining Act (2006) mining companies are required to compensate displaced people for their crops and use of land, but these payments are still woefully undervalued (Hilson, 2007). Locals value their land quite differently from the value placed on it by mine employees and the lack of communication only worsens these discrepancies. The regulatory and reporting systems in Ghana are very poor, effectively making the situation for many locals worse than that seen in SA. There have been few legal efforts made to legislate mining activities, thus the improvement of CSR practices is dependent on international legislation, NGOs and pressure groups. Changing the CSR Pyramid There are certain drivers of CSR that are significantly different in developing countries than in developed countries like Europe and the US. Existing models must be adapted to fit the individual needs of developing countries. One such model is Carroll's pyramid, consisting of 4 tiers; economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic responsibilities. draw:frame} {draw:frame} {draw:frame} Figure 1: Pyramid models for CSR drivers (adapted from Visser, 2006) Visser advocates thatto adapt Carroll's pyramid to developing countries, economic responsibilities are given the highest priority, followed by philanthropic, legal and ethical. The economic tier represents the need for businesses to not only ensure that direct foreign investment increases, alleviating poverty and unemployment, but that fu rther investment is generated, goods and services produced and stable infrastructure built. Visser argues that the emphasis on philanthropy is necessary because of the dire situation and poor quality of life in many developing countries thathave become reliant on donor assistance. Philanthropy has become ingrained in developing country CSR. The legal responsibilities are of lower priority because the pressure to adhere to legislation in developing countries is less than in developed countries. In order to elicit response, both nationally and internationally, sustainable indicators must be developed allowing more accurate reporting of CSR successes and failures. Efficient and diverse indicators allow for better sustainable reporting and transparency. These indicators serve two main functions: providing guidelines for company policy and government policy (Danegard, 2005). Increasing the number of indicators increases the scope for surveys or investigations. Data collected from these is usually validated by companies and government, and is, as yet, not mandatory. Although these inquiries may provide useful data, Danegard (2005) suggests that the use of third party verification may be necessary where governments lack the capacity for collection and evaluation. References Biersteker, T. J. , 1990. Reducing the Role of the State in the Economy: A Conceptual Exploration of IMF and World Bank Prescriptions. International Studies Quarterly, 34(4), 477-492. Bush, R. , 2009. ‘Soon there will be no-one left to take the corpses to the morgue’: Accumulation and abjection in Ghana’s mining communities. Resources Policy, 34, 57-63. Campbell, B. , 2005. The Challenges of Development, Mining Codes in Africa and Corporate Responsibility. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 801-822. Dale, M. , 2005. Comparative International and African Mineral Law as Applied in the Formation of the New South African Mineral Development Legislation. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 823-852. Dalupan, M. , 2005. Mining and Sustainable Development: Insights from International Law. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 149-168. Danegard, A. , 2005. Sustainable development indicators for the minerals industry: Who needs them? What stakes justify producing them? In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 621-626. Fig, D. , 2005. Manufacturing amnesia: Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa. International Affairs, 81(3), 599-617. Garvin, T. et al. , 2009. Community-company relations in gold mining in Ghana. Journa of Environmental Management, 90, 571-586. Hamann, R. 2004. Corporate social responsibility, partnerships, and institutional change: The case of mining companies in South Africa. Natural Resources Forum, 28, 278-290. Hamann, R. , 2003. Mining companies’ role in sustainable development: the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of corporate social responsibility from a business perspective. Development Southern Africa, 20(2), 237-254. Hamann, R. , 2009. South Africa: The Role of History, Government, and Local Context. In Global Practices of Corporate Social Responsibility. Berlin: Springer, pp. 435-462. Hamann, R. & Kapelus, P. , 2004. Corporate Social Responsibility in Mining in Southern Africa: Fair accountability or just greenwash? Development, 47(3), 85-92. Hilson, G. , 2007. Championing the Rhetoric? ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’ in Ghana’s Mining Sector. GMI, 53. Hilson, G. , 2002. Harvesting mineral riches: 1000 years of gold mining in Ghana. Resources Policy, 28, 13-26. Littlewood, G. , 2000. The Global Mining Initiative – Address to Mining 2000. Visser, W. , 2005. Corporate Citizenship in South Africa – A Review of Progress since Democracy. JCC, 18, 28-38. Visser, W. , 2006. Corporate Social Responsibility in Developing Countries. pp. 473-499.